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Cairo, 9th July 2008
ACIJLP’s
remarks on the draft law on audio and visual transmission
The Arab Center for the Independence of the Judiciary
and the Legal Profession (ACIJLP) is extremely concerned by the draft
law on audio and visual transmission put forward by the Egyptian Media
of Information. The Egyptian government plans to submit it to the
People’s Assembly at the start of the coming parliamentary session.
ACIJLP is of the opinion that if passed the
legislation would represent another addition to the list of the most
dangerous laws curbing and restricting public freedoms, laws which have
placed Egypt amongst the ranks of oppressive states. This law is part of
a series of laws issued recently, the Judicial Bodies Law and the
Traffic Law the latest examples of such laws.
ACIJLP’s study of the draft law on audio and visual
transmission has revealed that the draft contains a large number of
vaguely defined and ambiguous provisions criminalising acts and imposing
penalties for acts such as threatening public order, morals, social
peace, national unity and public morals in a manner which hides the
meaning of these provisions from people who differ about the exact
meaning of these acts because the provisions fail to state in a
conclusive manner which acts are criminalised, which could lead to
ambiguity.
As a result, the implementation of a large number of
these provisions will be linked to the personal interpretations of
members of the administrative body – interpretations which might be
mixed with the whims of members of this administrative body. The point
of reference for these standards is the discretionary interpretation of
those overseeing the implementation of these provisions as to their true
meaning and the implementation of their personal understanding of the
sense of the provisions could distort or pervert their meaning.
The ambiguity of a large number of the draft law’s
provisions will necessarily lead to a selective application of this law,
which may in many cases include arbitrariness.
Many of those addressed by these provisions will be
caught up within the law’s zone of prohibition and may be prevented from
carrying out the activities which take them within this zone – even if
the Egyptian Constitution and the law in their general meaning do not
prohibit these activities.
These factors will constrain freedom of opinion and
expression and the right to impart and receive information which will
lead to a narrowing of the scope of the fundamental rights and freedoms
guaranteed by the Egyptian Constitution and international instruments.
Many of these provisions for this reason seem
unconstitutional, and if passed this draft law will necessarily lead to
the return of the age of the censors.
ACIJLP has a number of remarks on the draft law,
including:
1. The text of article 1 deals with censorship
of all kinds of audio and visual transmission which, according to the
fourth paragraph of this article comprises “any broadcast, sending or
encrypted or unencrypted provision of sounds, images or combined sounds
and images or any other representation of them, or of signs or writings
of any kind not characterised by the features of private communications,
allowing the public, or a certain group or the individuals concerned to
receive or interact with them through wired or wireless means of
communication, or through cables or satellite dishes or computer
networks or other means and methods of transmission, conveying, sending
or provision is considered to include any broadcast, sending or
encrypted or unencrypted provision in instances where members of the
public are able to choose for themselves the time of sending and the
place where it is received.”
This renders the National Agency for the Regulation
of Audio and Visual Transmission – whose establishment is envisaged by
the law – a security body which will exercise censorship over all forms
of Egyptian media and media broadcast in Egypt including television and
news channels and the Internet including email, Facebook and personal
blogs. It indicates a preparedness to interrogate any agency, authority
or individual about the sending or receiving of audio, visual or
audio-visual messages via the means described above. Measures such as
these are gradually enacted by oppressive states which oppress the right
to freedom of opinion and expression and circulation of information and
knowledge and which incline towards complete control of the media and
its contents. These states nominate themselves the guardians of society
and its culture and consciousness, which is reminiscent of the Law for
the Protection of Values for Debasement, issued at the end of President
Anwar Sadat’s era.
2. The text of article 2 and its six
paragraphs describe, in an ambiguous and vaguely-defined manner, the
obligations and prohibitions falling on the shoulders of those involved
in audio and visual transmission:
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The text contains expressions
such as “the openness and transparency of information and the public’s
right to receive correct information” and the expression “negatively
influencing social peace, national unity and the principle of
citizenship and public order and public morals.”
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This wording goes against
general rules on the drafting of legal provisions which require that
legislation – and in particular penal laws, or laws which restrict
rights or freedoms – be drafted in a manner which provides a minimum
level of certainty necessary for the implementation of the law, and
which is transformed into a general source for those responsible for the
implementation of the law whose whims and misinterpretations will be
given free reign. Laws must be drafted within narrow limits in order to
ensure accurate application of the law; general expressions and widening
of forms may lead to unintended objectives and the restriction of rights
guaranteed by the Egyptian Constitution and international instruments,
or be used as a pretext for the violation of these rights, particular
the right to freedom of expression.
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The wording of article 2 is
not in conformity with these rules, and is in violation of Press Law 96
[1996], in particular its articles 6 – 10. This provides the National
Agency for the Regulation of Audio Visual Transmission with a wide scope
of possibilities to repress the media and intimidate those involved in
audio visual transmission. It threatens journalists, in their capacity
as the original experts working in media channels, and endangers their
job security.
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This article uses arbitrary,
subjective wording. It imposes the condition that information received
must be correct, which raises many points of concern about the body
which alone will decide on the extent of the accuracy of information.
This will destroy many of the rights of journalists and those working in
the media, especially given that the government does not respect the
right to spread information and does not include this right within the
framework of its constitutions. This may push journalists and those
working in the media to consult security or censorship bodies before
broadcasting or publication – which in truth is a return to the age of
the censor.
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The wording of this article
uses expressions in conflict with sound legislative drafting, since it
requires that a comprehensive service be provided to the public in
conformity with democratic development. This creates concern about the
comprehensive service, which represents interference in the media or
broadcast policy of the body responsible for the transmission.
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The expression that this
service must be in conformity with democratic development is wording
aimed at annihilating media activity on the pretext that it is not in
conformity with democratic development. Such wording characterises
totalitarian regimes which for the most part use expressions providing
that the law must protect the revolution and Socialist values.
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This drafting represents a
return to the use of imprecisely defined terms, leaving the task of
defining these terms is left to an administrative body. Egyptian supreme
courts have consistently rejected this, and the use of such terms
because of their negative effects – the grip of security bodies on
anyone they wish to punish on pretext that they have violated these
provisions, is tightened.
The text of article 5(2)
gives the National Agency the right to put in place fundamental
principles and rules on which the granting of licenses and authorisation
issued by the National Agency is based. It also puts in place
implementing statutes for these fundamental principles and rules which
specify the monetary remuneration for the authorisation, licences and
services offered by the National Agency.
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The article is drafted in a
manner which violates the principles of the general law and rulings of
Egyptian supreme courts. This is because laws such as these must, at
their core, define the criteria for the granting for such licences and
authorisation rather than leaving it to an administrative body
responsible for the implementation of the law to put this criteria in
place – in order that the administrative body does not arbitrarily put
in place a condition which destroys the right granted by the law, in a
manner similar to all laws which require the obtainment of a
administrative authorisation.
Article 5(3) which
deals with the competencies of the National Agency. It grants the
National Agency the power to delineate the criteria which must be met
for authorisation and licensing, specifically in matters concerning the
legal personality of authorised legal and natural persons and
specifically legal norms and technical and financial criteria.
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This article is drafted in
such a way as to lead to arbitrariness in the designation by the
National Authority of authorised natural and legal personalities. This
constitutes a clear violation of legal principles which require that the
law itself defines the criteria determining which individuals may be
granted a licence whether natural or legal personalities. This matter
should not be left to the National Authority to decide on.
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This may lead to many points
of concern about the wording whose objective may be the arbitrary
control of the entities licensed to offer this service.
Article 12 deals
with the composition of the executive board of the planned council
headed by the Minister of Information. The composition would seem to be
made up of government members since the article provides for ten
government seats, four allotted to experts and two to public figures.
This composition speaks volumes about the vision of the government and
security bodies vis-à-vis the formation of the National Agency and an
unwillingness to consider the values of interest-holders including
directors and owners of television channels and Internet sites.
The last paragraph of article 12
provides for the possibility of forming a committee composed of members
of the board of executives or experts who are not members of the board
of executives. This raises fears that it will delegate matters
pertaining to the approval or otherwise of the granting of licences to a
committee composed of members of security bodies.
The text of article 22
deals with the obtainment of authorisations and the consideration of
applications for authorisations. The text of article 22 gives the
National Authority ninety days, from the date of the submission of the
application, to respond. It then provides for a similar period of time,
and states that the application is considered refused if the National
Authority has not responded within this period of time.
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ACIJLP considers that the
wording of this article as it currently stands violates the right to
establish channels and electronic sites and does away with the right to
freedom of opinion and expression and the right to circulate
information. This is because the draft law does not obligate the
National Authority to grant licences where certain conditions are
fulfilled.
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This article prevents the
holders of a right guaranteed by the Constitution and international
instruments from exercising this right unless they have obtained legal
judgements. The legal process for obtaining these judgements may be
protracted, prompting fears about the eventual implementation of the
judgement.
The provisions of article 33 – 44
are not in conformity with principles of legitimacy and violate the
right to freedom of thought and expression in the following ways:
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The articles threaten
obligatory imprisonment which may include anyone who re-broadcasts over
the Internet a visual or audio item using Email, Facebook or personal
blogs available to all and which may be accessed, or the provision of
any visual or audio item using any method whether wireless or
non-wireless. This may include mobile telephone voicemail circulated by
members of the public.
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These articles criminalise
the importation, manufacture or assembly of equipment used in
transmission. This threatens the satellite dish spare parts trade as
well as companies and factories, and is a reminder of what used to
happen in Egypt in the past, when all users of Fax machines, computers
and calculators were obligated to obtain authorisation from the General
Security Authority. This confirms the security body-nature of this
Authority and that the excellence and content of the artistic or media
product is not the issue. Rather, preservation of morals and the public
interest is the objective.
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Article 37
is a clear violation of penal law which provides
that individuals should not be punished twice for the same offence. This
provision provides for multiple financial penalties for multiple
recordings or sound recordings or broadcast programmes forming the
object of the crime, or for the number of times it reached the public
without prior written permission from the transmission agency.
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Article 41
is a violation of the simplest rules of legal drafting since it lays
down a penalty of imprisonment of not less than a month for whoever
exposes or delivers data or information he is not permitted to expose or
deliver connected with the activity of the National Authority or anyone
licensed or authorised regardless of whether he has this information as
a result of his work or any other reason.
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This article is also
seemingly unconstitutional because of its failure to clearly define the
essence and nature of the information which may not be exposed. This
confirms the security function of the National Authority’s work, which
reaches the extent of imposing an imprisonment sentence on National
Authority employees or others. This is a clear threat to those working
in the media to not publish information which might reach them through
any means. This is a unique provision not found in the laws establishing
administrative bodies and national councils because this type of
provision violates the right of journalist and those working in the
media to circulate information.
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Article 42
violates the principles of penal law which
requires that penalties be handed down to the individuals responsible
for the crime. It brings to mind the presumed responsibility of
newspaper editors which the Supreme Constitutional Court has previously
held to be unconstitutional.
Article 44 is a
clear violation of the Constitution and the law in the following ways:
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The instigation of legal
cases is dependent on an order by the head of the National Authority, in
violation of the provisions of the Egyptian Criminal Procedures Code
which clearly, and exhaustively, lists the crimes for which the public
prosecution office may not instigate legal proceedings without a
complaint. They are for the most part crimes affecting individuals such
as adultery, defamation and crimes within the family. Other than these
crimes, the public prosecution office is uniquely responsible for
instigating criminal cases without a request or a complaint.
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This wording confirms that
the drafters of the law did not differentiate between crimes committed
against society and public order and crimes committed against
individuals. This is despite the fact that the law is presented as if it
regulates and protects audio-visual transmission, in preservation of
social order, public morals and national unity.
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The instigation of criminal
proceedings against individuals who violate its provisions is dependent
on the order of the head of the National Authority. The head of the
National Authority has taken the place of the public prosecution office
in his role as guardian of society’s interests and public morals. This
inspires fears about an arbitrary differentiation undermined by personal
whims about who the provisions of the law are applied to. |